February 4, 2008
Pursuant to
Elections Code Section 9005, we have reviewed the proposed initiative
cited as “The Victims’ Rights Protection Act of 2008: Implementation and
Enforcement Tools for Victims, Prosecutors, and Judges” (A.G. File No.
07‑0097, Amdt. #3-S). This measure amends the State Constitution and
various statutes relating to (1) the legal rights of crime victims and
restitution, (2) the pretrial release of offenders, (3) punishment of
offenders in prisons and jails, (4) the granting and revocation of
parole, (5) death penalty appeals and other court procedures, and (6)
additional compensation and training of prosecutors. These provisions
are discussed in more detail below.
Expansion of the Legal Rights of Crime Victims and Restitution
Background. In June
1982, California voters approved Proposition 8, known as the “Victims’
Bill of Rights.” This initiative amended the Constitution and various
statutes to, among other changes, grant crime victims the right to be
notified in advance, attend, and state their views at sentencing and
parole hearings. Other separately enacted statutes have created other
rights for crime victims, including the opportunity for judicial orders
to protect a victim from harassment by a criminal defendant.
Proposition 8
established the right of crime victims to obtain restitution from any
person who committed the crime that caused them to suffer a loss.
Restitution involves, for example, replacement of stolen or damaged
property, or reimbursement of costs that the victim incurred as a result
of the crime. A court is required under current state law to order full
restitution unless it finds compelling and extraordinary reasons not to
do so. Under certain court procedures, a restitution order can be
enforced by a victim in the same manner as a civil judgment.
Proposition 8 also established a right to “safe, secure and peaceful”
schools for students and staff of primary, elementary, junior high, and
senior high schools.
Provisions to Ease Collection of Restitution. This measure contains a series of provisions that would make it easier
for victims to successfully enforce their existing legal rights to
collect restitution from criminal offenders:
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Courts would
be required to order restitution in every case in which a victim
suffered a loss, without exception. Also, judges could not reduce
restitution payments without a written finding of justification.
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Any funds
collected by a court, or law enforcement agencies, from a person
ordered to pay restitution would go to pay that restitution first,
in effect prioritizing those payments over other fines and
obligations an offender may legally owe.
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Restitution
equal to a lifetime of lost wages would be awarded to the victim’s
estate in murder cases.
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Upon their
conviction, offenders would be required to disclose additional
personal information, such as bank account numbers and life
insurance policies that could be used by a victim to obtain
restitution.
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The amount
of any restitution that went unpaid after three years would be
subject to a 30 percent surcharge.
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Nonpayment
of restitution would also result in various sanctions. For example,
if an offender had not paid the restitution amount in full, he or
she could not be terminated from probation, they would not be
eligible to have any felony charges against them reduced to a
misdemeanor, and their criminal records could not be expunged.
The Department
of Justice (DOJ) would be directed to study the feasibility of other
techniques, such as intercepting tax refunds, lottery winnings, and
welfare or Social Security payments, to obtain restitution for crime
victims. Based on the study, DOJ would recommend new legislation to make
such methods available to victims. If the Legislature did not enact such
changes, the Attorney General would be required to file an initiative
proposal containing the recommended legislation. The DOJ would also be
required to provide written materials to probation departments on how
victims can successfully receive restitution, which probation officers
would provide to crime victims.
Notification and Participation of Victims
in Criminal Justice Proceedings. As noted above, Proposition 8
established a legal right for crime victims to be notified of, attend,
and state their views in sentencing and parole hearings. This measure
would expand these legal rights to require that various law enforcement
agencies notify victims of developments related to the filing of
charges, extradition of defendants, pretrial proceedings, certain
actions of prosecutors, and hearings related to the sentencing, parole,
and the transfer or release of defendants. In certain cases, the measure
would require that various entities give a crime victim specific
information on victims’ rights and related matters such as the
restitution process. For example, law enforcement and criminal
prosecution agencies would be required to provide victims with a
”Marsy’s Rights” card detailing the victim’s rights and resources or a
”Victims Survival and Resource Guide” containing similar information.
The measure would also change state laws to make
it easier for victims, their families, and their representatives to be
present at, and present their views, at various stages in the criminal
justice process. For example, the measure would increase the opportunity
for crime victims to participate in bail hearings, decisions about
extradition, decisions whether or not to file charges, various
sentencing hearings, and parole hearings.
Other Expansions of Victims’ Legal Rights.
This measure expands the legal rights of crime victims in various other
ways, including the following:
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Crime
victims and their families would now have a state constitutional
right to prevent the release of certain confidential information or
records to criminal defendants, to protection from harm from
individuals accused of committing crimes against them, to the return
of property no longer needed as evidence in criminal proceedings,
and to finality in criminal proceedings in which they are involved.
Some of the constitutional legal rights for victims added by this
measure now exist in statute.
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The
initiative would make it illegal for public officials to “exploit” a
victim of crime or their family, or to mention them in political
campaign publications, without their written approval.
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Courts would
be required to provide safe entry to courthouses for crime victims,
their family members, and others providing them support. This would
include giving them priority in courthouse security lines. Where
practicable, courts would also be required to provide those
individuals with separate entrances, security checkpoints, and
seating in the courthouse to minimize contact with criminal
defendants.
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The measure
would state that the right to safe schools includes community
colleges, colleges, and universities.
Restrictions on the Pretrial Release of Criminal Defendants
Background. Bail is a
sum of money that must be paid by an individual accused of a crime
before a court will release the person from jail while awaiting the
conclusion of his or her criminal case. In making the determination
about the sum of money required for bail, the judge may hear from the
attorneys present and may consult a schedule that gives suggested bail
levels. In addition, the judge considers the facts surrounding the
alleged crime, the threat the accused represents to public safety, and
how likely it is that the accused will flee upon release. Judges making
decisions on bail must currently consider if an offender’s crime was a
violent felony, such as rape or assault, as specified in state law. The
judge may also release the accused on his or her “own recognizance,”
thus not requiring bail, or the judge may refuse to release the
individual at all.
Changes to Bail and Own Recognizance
Releases. This measure would change the way the courts conduct
and make decisions about the pretrial release of persons accused of
crimes in several ways:
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Crime
victims would be provided with the opportunity to be heard before
someone charged with a violent or serious felony was released on
bail.
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Special
hearings would be required in certain circumstances before the judge
could set bail below the amount requested by the prosecutor.
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Judges would
be specifically required to consider in bail decisions whether the
crime occurred while the accused was on parole or probation for
another offense or was out on bail or their own recognizance
awaiting trial on other charges. The court would also have to take
into account whether the offense was a serious felony, as defined in
state law, such as burglary.
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Notice of
bail hearings would be provided to crime victims.
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Individuals
charged with murder, attempted murder, or crimes involving a
possible life term in prison could not be released on bail unless
attempts had been made to notify the crime victim.
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Judges could
not reduce bail to address overcrowded conditions in jails.
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Release on
own recognizance would not be permitted under the measure if the
charges against the accused were for specified violent or serious
felonies, or for felonies that took place while the individual was
on parole or probation or out on bail or their own recognizance.
Operational Changes for Prisons, Jails, and Other Institutions
This measure
contains various provisions that could affect the operation of state
prisons, other state institutions, and county jails.
Retroactive Sentence Reductions Prohibited.
This measure would amend the Constitution to prohibit retroactive
reductions in the criminal sentences of individuals whose judgments were
final. This measure states that this prohibition would apply both to
statutory changes made by the Legislature or to those made by the voters
through the initiative process. Also, this measure would amend the
Constitution to specify that criminal sentences imposed by the courts
shall be carried out in compliance with the courts’ sentencing orders
and shall not be substantially diminished by early release policies to
alleviate overcrowding in prison or jail facilities. The measure directs
that sufficient funding be provided to house inmates for the full terms
of their sentences, except for statutorily authorized credits which
reduce those sentences.
Inmate
Rights and Privileges Limited.
State law would be changed under this measure to specify that no one
held in state prison or county jail would be entitled to any rights or
privileges beyond those required by the U.S. or State Constitutions.
This measure
would prohibit the California Department of Corrections and
Rehabilitation (CDCR) from granting inmates any type of overnight family
or conjugal visits. In addition, in some circumstances, CDCR or a county
sheriff must revoke all inmate privileges not guaranteed by the State
and U.S. Constitutions and reallocate resources available to them to
prevent any early release of inmates. This would occur if (1) the
Governor, sheriff, or a federal or state court finds a prison or jail
facility exceeds its lawful capacity, or (2) a federal or state court
orders that inmates be released from custody due to inadequate space to
house them.
Temporary Jails Permitted.
In the event that a county experienced jail overcrowding that reached a
”crisis level,” as defined by the measure, sheriffs would be empowered
to acquire and operate temporary housing to prevent the early release of
inmates. Once the crisis was over, a sheriff would have to close the
temporary housing or bring it into compliance with the necessary laws
and regulations to make the housing permanent.
Electronic Monitoring Requirements.
A number of counties operate programs
in which criminal offenders participate in work programs in the
community in lieu of serving time in jail. This measure requires that an
inmate in such a program be electronically monitored at any time they
were outside of a confined area.
Reporting Requirements.
Under this measure, all institutions that detain defendants, including
state prisons and mental hospitals and county jails, would be required
to provide crime victims, criminal prosecutors, and judges with
information on the defendants they hold and those that they will
release.
Changes Affecting Revocation and Granting of Parole
Background. Before CDCR releases an
individual sentenced to life in prison with the possibility of parole
the inmate must go before the Board of Parole Hearings. The board is
part of CDCR, with parole commissioners that are subject to Senate
confirmation. Two representatives of the board meet with the inmate to
determine if an inmate is suitable for release. In the event of a tie,
all commissioners hear the case, with a majority vote determining
whether the inmate will be released. Current statutes grant
commissioners wide latitude in the way they make their decisions. State
law provides that the board “shall normally set a parole release date”
for an inmate with a life sentence, although, historically, the board
releases very few inmates eligible for parole.
The board also
has authority to return to state prison for up to a year individuals who
have been released on parole but who commit parole violations. In
keeping with a federal court settlement, the state provides legal
counsel to parolees facing revocation charges.
Parole Board Reorganized. This
measure reorganizes the parole board. Specifically, the measure would
rename the board the Department of Parole, make it an agency separate of
CDCR, and give it a separate budget which is required to be annually
adjusted for inflation. The new department would be subdivided into two
agencies: the Board of Adult Parole Hearings and the Board of Juvenile
Parole. The Governor would appoint the head of the department and each
agency, as well as the commissioners serving on the boards. None of
these individuals would be subject to Senate approval.
Modified Procedures for Consideration of
Parole. This initiative changes the procedures to be followed by
the new Department of Parole when it considers the release of inmates
with a life sentence from prison in the following ways:
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In making
decisions on whether to release inmates, the board would be directed
to presume that the term to be served by the inmate is life in
prison. The current statutory language specifying that the board
“shall normally set a release date” for inmates would be repealed.
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The board
would be free to deny parole solely based on the crime the inmate
committed.
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In the event
of a tie decision about a parole case, the board could only grant
parole if, at the subsequent hearing, a two-thirds majority of
commissioners voted in favor of such an action.
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Inmates who
were denied parole would generally have a longer time to wait, in
some cases up to 15 years, before they would again have a parole
consideration hearing. Crime victims would receive earlier
notification in advance when inmates come before the board for
parole consideration.
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In addition
to having expanded opportunities to testify at such hearings,
victims would also be able to bring additional family members and
other representatives to testify at parole board hearings.
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If
necessary, video conferencing would be provided to allow outside
testimony at parole hearings.
Parole Revocation Procedures. This
measure also makes changes to the board’s parole revocation procedures
for offenders paroled from prison after the enactment of this
initiative. It places into state law longer deadlines for probable cause
hearings and hearings on the revocation charges than are now required
for parole revocation cases under a court settlement. The measure also
specifies that legal counsel will be provided to parolees facing
revocation charges on a case-by-case basis if the parolee is deemed
indigent, their case is complex, or they are incapable of defending
themselves because of a mental or educational incapacity. Under the
current court settlement, all parolees must be afforded legal counsel.
Changes to Death Penalty Appeals and Other Court Procedures
Background. There are several
different levels of courts in California. Each county has a superior
court, while each of the court of appeals presides over the superior
courts in its division. The highest California court is the Supreme
Court.
Most criminal trials take place at the superior
court in the county in which the crime was committed. Offenders who are
convicted in superior court have the legal right to appeal the decision
to the court of appeals in their division. After a court of appeals has
ruled on such a case, it can generally only be heard before the Supreme
Court if the court approves the defendant’s petition for review.
However, under the Constitution, only the Supreme Court has appellate
jurisdiction in death penalty cases. Also, death penalty cases can also
be appealed to the federal courts. As of December 2007, 667 inmates were
on Death Row at all stages of the death penalty and appeals process.
Changes to Appellate Review of Death
Penalty Cases. This measure contains various provisions that
would change the way the state Supreme Court handles death penalty
appeals but leaves unchanged the appeal process relating to federal
courts.
Specifically, the measure would authorize the
Supreme Court to transfer appeals of death penalty verdicts to any state
court of appeals, without regard to the jurisdiction in which the crime
originally occurred. Following the decision of the court of appeals in
such a matter, the Supreme Court would be required to review it for
errors, and would be able to affirm it without necessarily hearing oral
arguments. In cases where the Supreme Court reversed a death sentence,
it would be required to hear oral arguments and produce a written
decision. Within 120 days of the enactment of this measure, the Supreme
Court would be required to identify all current cases that it would
decide itself and to transfer the remainder to the state courts of
appeals.
In addition, the Legislature and the
Administrative Office of the Courts, a state agency that helps to
administer the court system, would be required to develop a plan to
allocate the funding and resources necessary to assure that all pending
death penalty cases were heard and decided within five years. The
measure also requires that payments to lawyers representing criminal
defendants be increased if the court deems it necessary to ensure the
timely appointment of such counsel.
Other Changes Affecting Court Procedures
and Operations. This measure contains a number of provisions
that would affect court procedures in criminal cases and courthouse
operations:
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The way courts would handle requests for
discovery of evidence in post-trial challenges of criminal
convictions would change. Defendants who requested discovery, such
as to see evidence and information used by the prosecution in the
original trial, would have to provide specific information to
support their requests, including their own list of witnesses and
evidence. If the court granted a request for discovery by a criminal
defendant, prosecutors would be provided an opportunity to pursue
the discovery of similar information from the defendant.
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Criminal prosecutors would be required to seek
the extradition back to California of persons charged with having
committed violent or serious crimes carrying at least a four-year
prison term, or charged with any felony for which bail had been set
at $50,000 or more, but who were subsequently arrested outside the
United States. The measure would make the failure of a district
attorney to seek extradition in other cases where it was not
mandatorily a matter of public record and require notification of
the victim of the crime of the district attorney’s decision.
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Courts would be prohibited from dismissing
charges against defendants before the prosecution has used the full
time it is allowed under statute to bring a case to a preliminary
hearing or trial. Currently, courts can decide to dismiss a case if
the prosecution is not prepared to proceed with a case at the time
of a scheduled court hearing on the matter.
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Prosecutors would be permitted to enter
courthouses without being subject to metal detectors and other
electronic security measures. This opportunity to bypass security
could also be made available, at the discretion of a county’s
presiding judge, to judges, public defenders, certain court staff,
private attorneys, and news media staff who regularly cover the
courts.
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A ten-year pilot program would be initiated in
one or more counties to use video conferencing technology so that
criminal defendants would not have to be physically transferred
between courthouses and jails during the legal proceedings against
them. The program could be extended on a permanent basis to other
jurisdictions in the state if it was found to be successful.
Additional Compensation and Training of Prosecutors
Background. The state, counties,
and cities employ several thousand attorneys who specialize in the
prosecution of criminal offenses. In general, pay and benefits for the
attorneys are determined by the legislative bodies of their respective
employers—including the Legislature, county boards of supervisors, and
city councils—as a part of those bodies’ responsibilities to budget
public funds. In many cases, prosecutors who are not supervisors or
managers are represented by public employee unions. The unions negotiate
terms and conditions of employment with public employers on behalf of
the attorneys.
Changes to Public Prosecutors Pay,
Benefits, and Training. The measure would institute new minimum
requirements for pay, benefits, and training of prosecutors employed by
the state, counties, and cities. For deputy district attorneys employed
by counties, for example, the measure would require pay and benefits
that are at least equal to those of comparable attorneys employed in the
county’s public defender office or county counsel office. Terms and
conditions of employment for prosecutors would be required to be
compatible with the Federal Fair Labor Standards Act, which establishes
minimum wage, overtime, and recordkeeping requirements for most workers.
Also, the measure establishes new requirements for the continuing legal
education for prosecutors. However, some of the changes proposed in the
measure would only apply to Los Angeles County.
Restrictions on Gifts to Prosecutors.
This measure prohibits any prosecutor from soliciting or receiving
any gift, campaign donation, or anything else of value from a criminal
defendant, the defendant’s attorney, or the family, employees, or
business partners of the defendant or their attorney while prosecution
of the defendant is pending. Violation of these provisions would
constitute a crime.
Fiscal Effects
Net Increase in Judicial System Costs for
the State and Counties. Various provisions of this initiative
could result in a significant net increase in state and local judicial
system costs, including state trial court operations and local
government prosecutors and defense counsel involved in criminal cases.
Specifically, the addition of various criminal
court procedures and hearings, and the expanded ability of victims to
take part in them, is likely to lengthen criminal proceedings. This, in
turn, is likely to increase the costs of conducting these proceedings.
These costs would affect both the state, which pays for the operation of
trial courts, and counties, which pay for some staff, such as
prosecutors and public defenders, who take part in criminal proceedings.
Because the implementation of these provisions could vary across the
state, it is not possible to estimate the exact fiscal impact of these
changes, but they are likely to be significant on a statewide basis.
These costs could be partly offset to an unknown extent by the measure’s
provisions restricting the release of offenders on bail or their own
recognizance. This would expedite the processing of their cases in the
judicial system and may lead to some savings.
Other provisions of this measure that require
special security lines, additional waiting rooms, and the creation of
the video conferencing pilot program could also result in significant
judicial system costs. The actual costs of these provisions would depend
both on the interpretation of the initiative and the degree to which
current facilities and courthouse procedures are found to already meet
the new requirements it creates. But it is possible that their costs
could exceed a hundred million dollars initially and require spending in
the tens of millions of dollars thereafter on an annual basis. The
measure also directly appropriates $5 million from the state General
Fund to conduct the video conferencing experiment. These costs could be
partially offset to the extent that the video conferencing pilot program
reduces costs to counties for transporting offenders between jails and
courthouses.
The provisions
that modify the conduct of death penalty appeals by the courts could
also increase state and local judicial system costs. These stem
primarily from three aspects of the initiative. First, because the
initiative would allow the Supreme Court to delegate some death penalty
proceedings to the courts of appeal, these courts may require additional
staff and judicial positions, although it is possible Supreme Court
operational costs could be somewhat reduced. Secondly, because the
Supreme Court could review the rulings by the courts of appeal, the
initiative may create additional death penalty legal workload for the
courts, prosecutors, and defense attorneys. Finally, the initiative
calls for the creation of a plan to assure that pending death penalty
cases are decided within five years. This would likely require the
creation of additional judicial positions, the hiring of additional
attorneys, and increased levels of pay to defense counsel to meet this
deadline. The combined fiscal effect of these death penalty appeal
provisions is unknown, but is likely to amount to tens of millions of
dollars annually.
Fiscal effects
related to prosecutors’ pay, benefits, and training would depend on how
the measure is interpreted by (1) public employers, (2) labor
arbitrators, and (3) the courts. The provisions could result in
additional costs totaling in the millions of dollars or tens of millions
of dollars per year depending in part on the interpretations of the
provisions related to prosecutors’ retirement benefits.
Taking all of
the factors affecting the judicial system into account, we estimate that
this measure may initially increase state and local government costs by
more than $100 million, with increased costs annually thereafter
amounting to tens of millions of dollars on a statewide basis.
Net
Increase in State Prison Costs.
The measure would likely result in a net increase in state prison costs
due to increased inmate populations, new crime victim notification
requirements, and changes in the privileges and programs provided to
inmates. Depending upon circumstances that we discuss below, the fiscal
effect of these provisions could range from millions to hundreds of
millions of dollars annually.
The provisions
of this measure requiring additional notices to victims about the
movement of inmates within the prison system are likely to result in
state costs in the millions of dollars annually for the additional staff
who would be needed to prepare and send out these notices.
As noted
earlier, this measure would amend the State Constitution to prohibit
retroactive reduction of prison sentences. It would also require that
criminal sentences imposed by the courts be carried out without being
substantially reduced by early release policies in order to address
prison overcrowding problems. Together, these provisions could have a
significant fiscal effect on the state.
The state does
not now generally release inmates early from prison. Thus, under current
law, the proposed constitutional amendments would probably have no
fiscal effect on the state prison system. This measure could have a
significant fiscal effect in the future, however, in the event that the
Legislature or the voters enacted such an early release program to
address prison overcrowding problems. Depending upon the circumstances
related to early release and how this provision was interpreted by the
courts, these provisions of the initiative could result in significant
additional state prison costs in the hundreds of millions of dollars
annually than would otherwise be the case.
In addition,
the proposed statutory changes to limit the programs and privileges
provided to inmates, or suspend them altogether in the event of
overcrowding and the early release of inmates from prison, could
potentially reduce state correctional system costs by hundreds of
millions of dollars annually. However, these offenders would no longer
be eligible to earn credits from their participation in work and
education programs that would otherwise reduce the time they must serve
in prison. Therefore, the savings associated with limiting programs and
privileges could be offset by hundreds of millions of dollars in
increased prison costs. Furthermore, to the extent these programs would
have reduced recidivism, decreasing future prison populations, these
savings would be offset by a future, unknown increase in costs.
Finally, there
maybe some savings for the state prison system associated with the
provisions that modify death penalty proceedings. If these changes
reduce the Death Row population, either through an increase in
executions or by overturning additional death sentences by resolving
inmates’ legal appeals, there would be lower costs associated with
housing individuals on Death Row. These savings could eventually reach
the millions of dollars annually.
State
Costs and Savings From Parole Board Changes.
The changes to parole would have several different fiscal impacts, both
increasing and reducing state costs by millions of dollars annually.
However, the net fiscal effect of these various changes are potentially
a net savings for the state in the low tens of millions of dollars
annually if the changes related to parole revocation procedures were not
overturned by potential legal challenges.
The creation
of the Department of Parole, separate of the CDCR, could result in
increased state administrative costs in the millions of dollars
annually. The budgeted amount would automatically be adjusted each year
for inflation, regardless of the size of the new department’s parole
hearing caseload. In addition, some changes to the parole hearing
process would be likely to increase the cost of parole hearings.
The provisions
of this measure that reduce the number of parole hearings received by
life inmates would likely result in state savings amounting to millions
of dollars annually. Additional savings in the tens of millions of
dollars annually could result from the provisions changing parole
revocation procedures, such as by limiting when counsel was provided by
the state. However, some of these changes are likely to be subject to
legal challenges. In addition, both of these sets of provisions could
also ultimately increase state costs to the extent that they result in
additional offenders being held in state prison.
Local
Law Enforcement. This
measure is likely to result in a net increase in costs for county jails,
work release programs, probation supervision, and other law enforcement
agencies. The net cost of these provisions for local law enforcement
agencies is unknown but could be in the low hundreds of millions of
dollars annually on a statewide basis.
The provisions
of this measure limiting or denying bail or own recognizance releases in
certain circumstances could increase the number of defendants who would
have to await the completion of their trials in county jail.
So could the
provisions limiting the early release of offenders sentenced to jail.
Early release of jail inmates now occur in a number of counties,
primarily in response to population limits imposed on county jail
facilities as a result of past federal court litigation over overcrowded
conditions. Given these actions by the federal courts, it is not clear
how, and to what extent, the enactment of such a state constitutional
measure would affect jail operations and related expenditures in these
counties. In other counties not subject to federal court-ordered
population caps, the restrictions in this measure on early release of
inmates could affect jail operations and related costs, depending upon
the circumstances related to early release and how these provisions were
interpreted by the courts. In general, where these provisions of the
Constitution were invoked, counties would probably respond by either (1)
increasing the pretrial release of offenders, thereby making more room
for sentenced offenders to serve their full terms in jail, or
(2) expanding jail operations within new or existing facilities. Such
expansions of jail operations could eventually increase county costs by
the low hundreds of millions of dollars on a statewide basis.
These factors
could increase the cost to counties of operating jails. In addition, the
provisions of this initiative empowering sheriffs to establish temporary
jails could increase county costs.
These
increases in county jail operating costs could be partly offset by the
requirement that sheriffs suspend inmate privileges in the event of jail
overcrowding. Under such circumstances, county costs for jail inmate
programs would be reduced.
Other provisions of this measure are likely to
increase local law enforcement costs in different ways:
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The
requirement in this measure that all inmates on work release be
electronically monitored could increase county costs for operating
these programs. This could result in a decrease in the use of these
programs, and higher county costs for holding these offenders in
jails.
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Local law
enforcement agencies would incur increased costs to provide crime
victims with information about victims’ rights and services as well
as information about criminal cases.
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The
provision in this initiative prohibiting the termination of an
offender from probation until he or she has fully paid restitution
could increase probation caseloads. Offenders could remain on
probation caseloads longer than they otherwise would if they lacked
the financial resources to pay what they owe in restitution.
Other
State and Local Government Fiscal Impacts.
The requirements in this measure to
provide additional information to crime victims are likely to increase
administrative costs for DOJ and the Department of Mental Health, which
operates state mental hospitals. In addition, this measure would likely
result in an expanded awareness by crime victims of the government
services currently available to them. To the extent this leads to a
greater use of these services, it could prompt state and local agencies
to increase expenditures for them.
The changes to
the restitution process would also potentially have other impacts on a
host of local and state programs. Currently, a number of different state
and local agencies receive funding from the fines and penalties
collected from criminal offenders. For example, counties’ general funds,
the Fish and Game Preservation Fund, the Traumatic Brain Injury Fund,
and the Restitution Fund for crime victims receive revenues
collected from offenders. Because
this initiative mandates that all monies collected from the defendant
first be applied to pay restitution orders directly to the victim, it is
possible that their payments of fines and penalties revenues to various
finds, including the Restitution Fund, could decline. This impact may be
offset to the extent that certain provisions of this initiative, such as
the requirement for additional financial disclosure of their assets,
improve the overall collection of monies owed by criminal offenders.
Finally, this
initiative may also generate some savings for state and local agencies
to the extent that the provisions of this measure (1) increases the
restitution collected by crime victims and (2) the victims collecting
restitution therefore need less help from state and local government
programs, such as social services and victim assistance programs.
The net fiscal
impact of these factors on the state and local agencies is unknown.
Summary
This measure would have the following major
fiscal effects:
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Increased
state and county judicial system costs that may initially exceed
$100 million and amount to tens of millions of dollars annually
thereafter on a statewide basis.
-
A net
increase in costs for state prison operations that, depending on
circumstances, could range from millions to hundreds of millions of
dollars annually.
-
A potential net savings in the low tens of
millions of dollars for the administration of parole reviews and
revocations if the changes related to parole revocation procedures
were not overturned by potential legal challenges.
-
A net
increase in local government costs for county jails, work release
programs, probation supervision, and other local law enforcement
agencies of up to the low hundreds of millions of dollars annually
on a statewide basis.
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